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A Quest for a Decent
Life, Emancipation and Revolt
- Manju Thapa
Manju Rokaya from
Dhakeri, Mahadevpur VDC, Banke was studying in grade eight. In her
village, the Maoists murdered Shankar Shah, a local resident, for being
a suraki or a spy. Fifteen years old Manju was also arrested for
the charge of Shah’s murder. She was kept in the police custody of Banke
for three months and was given severe torture, and sent to the district
jail later. Even after her release from the jail, she was arrested and
imprisoned several times on various changes. After her release, the
situation was so tense that she could not go to her home and stay there
to continue her study. Because of the torture in the police custody, she
was suffering from ill-health. Her father had already gone underground
politics of the Maoist Party. Her elder and younger brothers had also
joined the party. The raid of their home and harassing of the family by
the police was still going on. Manju was an ordinary cadre of the All
Nepal National Free Students’ Union or ANNFSU (R), but from the view
point of age and intellectual level she was not mature enough to join
the underground politics of the Maoists. If she had not been tyrannized
and harassed in the name of being a member of a Maoist family, no one
can guess where she would be today. After suffering the imprisonment on
a baseless charge and viewing that she could not reside in her home
safely, she was compelled to join the Maoists’ armed struggle as a
full-time cadre. At present, she is the vice-president of the Banke
district branch of the All Nepal Women’s Association (Revolutionary) or
ANWA (R).
This is the true story
of a Manju of Banke district. But, like her, there are many Manjus who
were forced to become part of the Maoist movement even before adequately
understanding the ideological aspects of the Maoist politics. The path
of the armed struggle taken by the Maoists was not smooth. The Maoist
leaders and cadres had to face the risks like suppression, torture,
arrest, murder and violence in every step of their lives. Moreover, even
the families of the persons involved in the Maoist revolt would be
brutally suppressed and tortured by the state. So, why did women,
generally supposed to be weaker, became ready to march along the path of
the revolt filled with many adversities and risks? Why did women,
defined as polite, patient and peace-loving, stood up in revolt? In
order to resolve such curiosities, I had held discussions with common
women of the Maoists’ base areas, Maoist women cadres, independent
political analysts and women human right activists. On analyzing those
discussions and the events related to the insurgency, I found that there
were some specific reasons behind the women’s fascination for the
Maoist struggle.
Pragmatic Strategy and the Compulsion of Circumstances
Chairperson of the
Maoists Prachanda, in an interview with the RIM’s publication A World
to Win (No. 27; 2001), has said that the correct policy of his party
in giving outlet to the rebellious sentiment, created by the objective
condition of Nepali society, was the motivating factor for women’s
participation in the movement in such a large scale. He claimed that
since only the proletariant can understand women’s potentiality, only
the proletariat can lead women on to the path of emancipation in a right
manner. For that reason, he says, his party has regarded the woman’s
question as one of the crucial issues, determining the fate of the
revolution. Looking at such assertions of Chairperson Prachanda, it
seems that the CPN (Maoist) has been giving great importance to women’s
participation from the very beginning of the armed struggle. Just like
Chairperson Prachanda, other Maoist leaders also claim that correct
ideology, correct working guidelines and correct programs of their party
have attracted a large number of women toward the revolt. However, many
women involved in the Maoist armed struggle say that they have joined
the revolt due to the pragmatic strategy of the Maoists and the
compulsion of the circumstances rather than by understanding their
political ideology and strategy.
A Major reason for the
involvement of women in the Maoist movement was the reform campaigns
against the wrong practices like domestic violence, gambling, card
playing and alcohol consumption, which had been pushing women to poverty
and oppression. Similarly, the Maoists' action against the victimizers
in the domestic violence like child-marriage, monogamy, battering and
contempt had engendered a sense of confidence in women that the party
was opposed to women’s oppression. The actions against a few victimizers
by the party created such a situation, which impressed hundreds of
women. Jane Kumari Pun Magar (Kavita) of Uwa Thulagaun, Rolpa says that
she joined the Maoist Party because the actions against child-marriage,
forced-marriage and polygamy taken by the party in her village impressed
her and she heard that the party respected women. First associating with
the party’s Young Communist League at the age of 15, she enrolled at the
People’s Liberation Army after two years. Today, she is working as
a platoon commander under the Basu Memorial Brigade.
It was widely
publicized among women that since the root of women’s second-class
status in the society and the oppression against them was attached with
the class discrimination, it was essential to abolish class
discrimination for the full emancipation of women. The politburo meeting
of the party held after 10 months of the outbreak of the armed struggle
had concluded that the People’s War should not just focus on class
struggle but also address the contradictions related to caste/ethnic,
gender, cultural and regional oppressions. According to Pampha Bhusal, a
central committee member of the Maoist Party, specific initiatives were
taken to make women understand that women’s liberation was not possible
without class liberation. More and more women started to join the armed
struggle. The restricted traditional roles, the oppression of women
prevalent in the society, the desire for freedom from inferiority
complex and acquiring equal rights had attracted many women toward the
Maoist revolt. The party cadres were successful in convincing women that
the Maoists would liberate women from the oppression and grant equal
rights to them. Since the party was skillful in identifying the problems
of women’s oppression and gender discrimination prevalent in the society
and take direct actions to eliminate them, the party was able to enlist
many women in the revolt, says Amrita Thapa, the Secretary-General of
ANWA (R).
State Oppression and
Atrocities
In the pretext of
suppressing the Maoist terror, the random persecutions and outrages by
the state is another important reason that forced women to join the
revolt. Manju, mentioned in the beginning of this article, is an
example. Women became the foremost group who suffered the torture and
oppression carried out by the state in the name of suppressing the
Maoist insurgency. As the state oppression increased, some joined the
Maoist Party and others escaped from their village. In the name of
searching for the Maoists, the state security forces made house-to-house
raids and carried out atrocities like threatening women, elders and
children, with physical torture, psychological intimidation, arrest,
sexual abuse, and rape. When the condition of insecurity worsened to the
point when they could not live in their own houses and no option was
left for them except being killed or to kill, some women stood up in
revolt. It is found that in the Maoist affected districts like Rolpa,
Rukum, Kalikot, Gorkha and Sindhuli, the women had become ready to
undertake the risks of involvement in the revolt by organizing a group
rather than staying at home frightened by the state oppression.
Aruna, the Political
Commissar of the Battalion No. 8 under the Pili Memorial Brigade, says,
the oppression and terror unleashed by the state in Kalikot during the
Kilo Sierra 2 Police Operation (1998) forced her to think that the old
regime was not ethically right, and rather than bowing in front of the
excesses, sense of fighting against it arose in her mind. When women
were being severely strained by the state oppression, it made easier for
the Maoists to draw women to their organization. The situation turned
favorable for the Maoists to gain confidence of the people also because
the lack of presence of other political parties in the villages.
Manjushree Thapa, in her book Forget Kathmandu: An Elegy for
Democracy (2005), has well described the non-existence of the
existing state mechanism in the remote villages and the mental state of
the women -- detested and exhausted by a boring life. Empathizing with
the women of Kalikot and Jumla, she has remarked that if she were born
in such village, and uneducated, ineligible for any kind of job,
deprived of equal rights comparing to men as well, she would have
naturally joined the Maoists. She infers that in such a condition in
which the government and other political parties were unable to offer
better options to women, the best move for a dynamic young woman would
be to join the Maoist revolt.
During the period of 11
years, many people -- those involved in the Maoist movement, supporters
of the Maoists or ordinary people suspected as the Maoists -- were
killed by the state security forces. The CPN (Maoist) finely implanted
the lesson in the mind of women of the families ruined by the state that
joining the Maoist movement means fighting against the exploitation and
oppression prevalent in the society and that if the state carries out
killing and abduction during the fight, the women have to rise up to
avenge the mistreatment .
In order to avenge the
arrest, killing and abduction of dear ones, too, women had enrolled
themselves as full-time cadres. After her brother was arrested and
killed, Anita of Kotgaun, Rolpa left her home to join the Maoist as a
full-time cadre, and her sister-in-law Chijmali BK also turned a staunch
supporter of the party. It is found that the party cadres have well
motivated women to involve themselves in the revolt by conducting the
activities like visiting the families of those killed or made to
disppear for being a Maoist, expressing sympathy to them, publicly
honoring them as the family of a martyr or the family of a disappeared
person, helping them during the time of cultivation and so on.
The oppressed and
detested women suddenly saw the power and glory of the Maoists carrying
arms in the villages. That too allured women to be closer to the people
with arms. Many women, who had been suffering from double and triple
exploitation because of being a poor woman, and belonging to an
oppressed caste or ethnic group, attained support of arms. It created
the situation in which they could speak standing upright before their
exploiters. Their sense of inferiority ended. Like Salikram Sapkota, a
lawyer residing in Nepalganj, many people presume that there is a
predominance of women from dalits (oppressed castes) and ethnic
groups in the circle of the Maoists, though it cannot be demonstrated
statistically.
Not only the political
ideology of the Maoists but also the power of arms had drawn many women
to the Maoist insurgency, says Shashi Shrestha, the central member of
Jana Morcha Nepal (open political wing of the CPN Unity-Center-Mashal).
She opines that if the Maoists had only ideological weapons and no
physical weapons, women would not have joined the party in such a large
scale. Though the question like whether the involvement of women in
violent politics is right or wrong for they do not like violence, is a
matter of ideological debate. One, however, cannot forget the fact that
a number of women have been drawn to the insurgency because of the lure
of guns.
The Issue of Sexual
Abuse
It seems that the desire
for an empowered and decent life free from social and state repression
seems to be the most important factor for attracting a large number of
women to the armed struggle. On the contrary, however, some women
estimated that there are more than 20 thousand women cadres in the
Maoist Party. Despite the stupendous participation of women in the party
quantitatively, the meager presence of women in the leadership positions
is considered as the result of the masculinist thinking existing in the
party. Moreover, one of the controversial issues within the CPN (Maoist)
is linked with the sexual exploitation of women.
Sujita Shakya, a central
leader of ANWA affiliated to the Communist Party of Nepal (United
Marxist-Leninist) or CPN (UML), in an article on The People’s War in
Nepal: Left Perspectives (edited by A. Karki and D. Seddon, 2003),
has mentioned that the female guerrillas and militias often fall prey to
unwanted sexual relation and rape. A woman, who had left the CPN
(Maoist), states that most of the run-away woman guerrillas have
mentioned rape as the reason for their exit from the party, and accuses
that the party has not paid proper attention to the control of immoral
sexual relations and rapes. Human right activist Mandira Sharma has also
heard from a woman, who had worked with the Maoist military wing for a
long time that she and some other women had become temporary wives of
party comrades and that the most disheartening moment in her life was
when she was raped by a comrade junior to her. Sharma says that such
incidents made her suspect that there may be a lot of problems of
sexual violence within the CPN (Maoist). But, the women who still work
in the party repudiate such allegations and suspicions. Pampha Bhusal
says that the negative attitude and behavior toward women have rooted
among very few persons who have infiltrated the movement as remnants of
patriarchal society. Actions have been taken against them as far as they
are found guilty.
In the Maoist movement,
some new values and definitions have been added to the issues of love,
marriage, sex, and male-female relation. Generally, the issues like
joking, playing and sexual relation between male and female by mutual
consent within the limit of the values and definitions cannot be a
matter of concern. It should however never be forgotten that sexual
relation by mutual consent and sexual exploitation are completely
different things. Therefore, the issues raised here are not concerned
with the sexual affairs between men and women by mutual consent within
the CPN (Maoist). As far as the matters of sexual exploitation of women
cadres and the violation of their human rights are concerned, some
events related to them do certainly exist within the party. However, the
condition is not such that it would raise an alarm.
In the past, in order to
stimulate the surge of revolt and spread its fire everywhere, any kind
of persons were enrolled in the party without giving them proper
theoretical training. Some incidents have been published, in which a few
anarchist, unprincipled and wicked men, who had entered the party in the
way just mentioned, had committed sexual exploitation and rape of women
cadres. But, since the actions taken against the culprits and decisions
made in favor of women’s dignity by the party organization have not come
into light, it has provided credence to the allegation of sexual
exploitation within the party. This condition seems to still in
existence among the cadres at the lower levels of the party. At the
central leadership level, too, it has been heard that when a leader
having different opinion has to be degraded or defamed, he is accused of
sexual exploitation, his relation with some woman is publicized, and
when the action is being taken against him the woman related to him, is
also chastised. In such incidents, no attention has been paid on the
impact of these actions on women cadres
The Condition of
Women Within the Party
Within the revolt, the
situation is neither completely free from women’s sexual exploitation as
claimed by the Maoists, nor is there the prevalence of sexual
exploitation as alleged by its opponents. The condition of Rangita Shahi,
a 16 year old militia from Humla, who had been dumped in the Teaching
Hospital of Banke-Kohalpur nearly abandoned corraborates this. Rangita,
who says that she had joined the insurgency at a tender age of nine,
has been physically sick for the past two years.
In a conversation with
us, she said that since she had to take military training at the tender
age and do vigorous exercise even during her period, she started to
suffer from the problems like stomachache, indigestion and uterus
prolapse. Her physical illness and debility confirm that the Maoist
cadres, responsible for providing treatment to her, were not a bit
sensitive and supportive towards her. 'Just as a Nepali adage goes, 'A
utensil used in need is thrown as junk when not needed’, she had now
been a burden for the concerned Maoist cadres, because she could not
carry bombs and grenades any more. It reveals the fact that the Maoist
Party exploits the feelings and labor of its cadres as far as it can,
but when the cadres become sick or debilitated, the party abandons them.
Human right activist
Shova Gautam says that the CPN (Maoist), in the wartime, had not been
providing specific facility and privilege to its women cadres during
menstrual period, pregnancy and post-natal state, but had involved them
in the work as normal cadres. That was also an exploitation of women.
Nevertheless, several Maoist women like Rama Paudel (Rachana) of Raipu,
Ramechhap put forth the explanation that since all women do not have the
same body and health condition, everyone of them does not need the same
facility during such specific conditions, though rest and facility have
certainly been provided to needy ones.
The president of ANWA
(R) Jayapuri Gharti has experienced that some female cadres insist to
carry on even when the party women are requested to take rest during
such specific conditions. They are keen on carrying out their
responsibility. The inaccessibility of several facilities and
privileges, which is considered as the violation of human rights in
normal circumstances, can be natural difficulty during wartime. Since
war itself is not a normal and systematic affair, the depriving of women
from such facilities and privileges may not be considered abnormal.
However, providing treatment, physical comfort and emotional support, to
those cadres who are sick and maimed is the responsibility of the party.
Pitiful situations are observed in some places, where concerned local
leaders of the CPN (Maoist) have shown weaknesses and carelessness in
carrying out their responsibility.
In the name of
revolution, the CPN (Maoist) has taken many things from women luring
them with a dream of a beautiful future. These women have dedicated
their house, family, study, skill and whole life to the revolution. The
women were even asked to sacrifice motherhood in order to prevent
failures in the revolution. Chairperson Prachanda, in an interview with
Li Onesto published in The Revolutionary Worker (February 20,
2000), has said, “The practical problems women comrades are facing -- we
can say the whole party is facing -- are mainly associated with taking
care of small children. ... the party is not coeraing, but strongly
encouraging men and women comrades, pressing couples, not to have a baby
for 5-7, or even 10 years, because it will be a big practical problem.
We explain that on this question, it is also a kind of sacrifice. ...
There are so many cases of couples who are not having babies right now
..." On the one hand, there are women who did not bear children
accepting the call of their leader, on the other hand, there are
numerous women who gave birth to babies but left them at the age of just
12-18 months in the hands of other family members to join the
revolution. The sacrifice of motherhood on the appeal of the party is
the self-motivated decision of the women cadres. However, the most
important question is: What activities do the party will launch in
return of these sacrifices so that total change will be brought in the
life of women cadres and general women?
The need for
investigating into the problems, discriminations and difficulties faced
by the women involved in the Maoist revolt has also been felt by the
leaders of the party. In 2002-03, the Women’s Department of the Maoist
Party had conducted a survey among women cadres under the lendership of
Maoist leader Hisila Yami. According to the findings of the study, the
majority (74.56 %) of the women included in the survey said that gender
discrimination exists in the party. Similarly, 25.78 percent of the
surveyed women had complained that there is a general tendency of
looking down on women in the People’s Liberation Army. Based on the
survey, Yami concludes in ‘Nepalko Janayuddhama Mahila’
(‘Women in the People’s War of Nepal’), a translated article published
in the monthly Dishabodh (No. 1, Bhadau 2063 BS), that the
problems related to women exist in all the three fronts of the
revolution (that is, the Party, the People’s Army and the United Front),
and it is essential to detect and eliminate the existing gender
exploitation in the party earnestly. Thus, the overview of the survey
findings and the nature of events related to the revolt confirms that
women within the Maoist movement have borne with discrimination and
exploitation to some degree. However, since the Maoist Party is such a
force that has led the revolt with a definite ideological-political
philosophy, the women involved in it feel empowered and respected in
comparison with the women from other organizations. This can be
vindicated by the conversation with the Maoist women cadres.
Future Prospects
From the very beginning,
the women involved in the Maoist revolt have been taught that women’s
liberation is possible only after class liberation. But, for the time
being, the Maoists have signed the cease-fire and peace agreements, and
that has postponed their goal of building a classless society and class
liberation. In such situtation, how does the Maoist Party address the
sentiment of the women involved in the revolt in search of a dignified
life and liberation from all kinds of oppressions? What kind of policy
and programs does the party put forth to realize the dream of a
wonderful future for women? How does the party compensate the women for
the sacrifice they have made in the revolt? The Maoists are not the sole
controller of the state machinery at the present time and they have to
share power with other political parties. In such circumstances, it is
important to know how the CPN (M) presents its caliber and stance
differently from other forces in order to bring total transformation in
women’s life. How does it make others acquiesce to its agenda? In all
this process, it remains to be seen whether it renders justice to the
women involved in the revolt or not? All these questions will be
resolved in the near future.
In all the initiatives
and activities carried out since the agreement between the Maoists and
the Seven Party Alliance was signed on November 27, 2005, women’s
participation has not been given any importance. The male leaders of all
the existing parties have hardly ever thought that women’s opinion and
perspective also deserve some value in the crucial national issues. The
Maoists, too, have not shown any distinctly different stance in favor
of women from those of other parties. Accordingly, there is not much
hope among the women who had plunged into the revolt believing that
Maoists would give them justice. Since there still remains a lot of
steps to be taken for the building of new Nepal, it is better, for the
time being, to give the Maoists and other political parties a benefit of
doubt that they will do substantial work in favor of women.
- Rajdhani,
December 19, 2006,
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